Posts tagged Blog for Choice

Blog For Choice: Sexual Rights

Today is the 36th anniversary of Roe vs. Wade, and that means it’s also Blog for Choice Day. Unlike last year (and more like myself), I have little interest in the theme, pro-choice hopes for Barack Obama and the new Congress.

I’ve decided that I want to write about something else. I want to write about the right to abortion and how it intersects with the issue of sexual violence. It’s no secret that these are two issues that are perhaps closest to my heart, and I care and write about both regularly on a broad spectrum. I think that the two issues are highly related. Simply, both are reproductive justice issues. Both are reproductive health issues. And both are sexual rights issues.

In practice, the two are directly connected on a regular basis. Sexual violence accounts for a particularly large number of teen pregnancies, many of which do end in abortion. Adult women are also prone to pregnancy as a result of rape, especially depending on who they are and where they live. Those women who have the highest risk of rape — say, immigrant women or women living in the Congo — also have the highest risk of getting pregnant as the result of that rape. They also, due to oppressed status, have the least access to abortion services and are most often forced to carry to term, or to attempt risky abortion procedures themselves.

Most visibly — and again, intersecting oppressions are generally responsible for which issues are most visible — sexual violence and abortion rights intersect when it comes to abortion restrictions. When potential abortion restrictions are put on the table, newspapers almost inevitably report breathlessly that the restrictions even apply to women who have been victims of rape. If they don’t apply to women who have been raped, it’s reported in a way that presents the restriction as therefore reasonable. And of course, hardcore anti-choice groups and individuals adamantly oppose exceptions for rape victims for any abortion restriction, whether it be forced ultrasounds, parental notification, “informed consent” or all out abortion bans.

I’ve long made clear my view that while the hardline “no exceptions for rape victims, because a baby is still a baby” rhetoric makes me throw up quite a bit in my mouth, it is at least consistent with their espoused ideals. This is still certainly true. But just as true is the fact that this rhetoric tells us something important about what is behind the words about “babies” and “life.” It tells us about how those who spout the words view women’s bodies.

The question most often asked by anti-choicers defending their “no abortion ban/restriction exceptions for rape victims” stance is “why should a baby have to pay for someone else’s wrong?” Yes, rape is horrible, they say. Just horrible. But the baby is a human being, and it deserves to live — no matter who its father is or what he has done.

On the surface, this sounds all well and good (or at least intellectually consistent). But I notice something else. I notice how strikingly similar this rhetoric is to the other rhetoric that anti-choicers use for abortions had by women who are presumed to have not been raped, and not just in terms of “fetus=baby.”

No, the question of “why should a baby have to pay for someone else’s wrong?” is common all around. There is usually a wrong implied by anti-choicers in all unplanned pregnancies. And usually, that wrong is heavily implied to not be on the part of the man who didn’t strap on a condom, but on the part of the woman who wasn’t “smart enough” to “keep her legs closed.” You know, the one whose bodily autonomy now hangs in the balance.

So really, in their heart of hearts, are they referring to rapists when they ask why a baby should have to pay for someone else’s wrong with abortion? Or are they just engaging in rape apologist rhetoric about women who shouldn’t have been wearing that, or who should have fought harder? (Or are they only referring to rapists in the cases of “real” rape where the woman was a horribly brutalized Christian virgin?)

Assuming, even, that they are referring to the rapists, an important question still lingers: what about women? I know, it’s a radical thought, but really: what of them? Why should they have to pay for someone else’s wrong? What about their lives? Don’t they matter a damn bit? Or again, are we just assuming that they are partially at fault for the wrong committed?

Of course, anti-choicers will argue that we’re looking at disproportionate interests/rights. The “baby” has a life; the woman just has “convenience” and her lazy, selfish desire to not have a physical reminder of her traumatizing experience every second of every day for 9 months, not to mention a child created by that rapist at the end of 9 months.

In fact, regaining control after a rape experience really can be about a woman’s life. Thankfully, I don’t know the trauma of having been impregnated as the result of rape. But I do know the trauma of rape itself. And I know, or can read in tons of readily accessible literature, about how rape takes away a sense of control over one’s body. It can, in fact, heavily make one question who that body belongs to.

And anti-choicers want that answer to be the government. In spite of the fact that the right to an abortion after rape really can be about a woman’s life — since a woman may be easily made suicidal over a forced pregnancy as the result of rape, or simply traumatized forever because of it — anti-choicers think that a fetus’ rights overrule it. When forced to choose between the life of a fetus, and the life of a woman (and often thereby her fetus due to simple biology), anti-choicers choose the fetus time and time again.

Of course, most Americans disagree. Most Americans think that rape victims deserve a right to abortion. But significant numbers also support restrictions on abortion in other cases. As a result, pro-choice organizations and advocates do admittedly exploit the rape angle in fighting anti-choice legislation. Rape victims are, seemingly, the perfect case for tugging at people’s heart strings.

Why are rape victims treated like the holy grail in abortion arguments? And why do supposed abortion “moderates” think that they deserve special treatment?

Granted, the most vulnerable people do deserve most of our concern, so to some extent focusing on their needs above the majority of American women who need abortions is appropriate. However, it would be silly to pretend that there is no political angle here that has little to do with social justice. And I think that this focus traces back to ideas about who is to blame, and to women’s sexual rights.

In other words, only some women are seen as worthy of having sexual rights. And it’s the women who have already had their sexual rights violated. In order to gain sexual rights, women first have to have them abused.

Further, those women then have to prove that they deserve those sexual rights, no matter how unfair the criteria for proof is. They usually have to report their rape just to have access to a medical procedure; they may have to provide a name of their rapist, or provide DNA samples from their aborted fetus for “evidence.” And then they still may be forced by law to undergo ultrasounds and diatribes about how having an abortion makes them a bad person.

Basically, they have to “prove” that they’re a rape victim by playing the part of the right kind of rape victim. The “real” rape victim. The good, moral chaste rape victim. And so either way, rape victim exception or no rape victim exception, women’s bodies are commodified and devalued.

This tells us something about the abortion debate itself — something that most of us probably already knew. Anti-choicers say that their stance is about “babies” and how those babies are valued. For that reason, they’d prefer to push women out of the picture all together, and ignore the fact that even if a fetus was a “person,” that would still make two people whose bodies are facing serious consequences. They prefer this because otherwise, we’d also have to also discuss how women’s bodies are valued.

And the answer to that question when it comes to the act of committing rape, the act of denying a woman the choice of an abortion, and the moment when those two acts intersect, is the same. Not at all.

I support Roe vs Wade, I support “choice,” and I support reproductive autonomy and non-coercion of all kinds, because women deserve better.

cross-posted at The Curvature

Happy 36th, Roe!

Today is the anniversary of Roe v. Wade, which means that it’s also Blog for Choice day. And finally, we have a Roe day that actually feels celebratory instead of defensive.

I’ll be putting my post up later today. Feel free to post your own blogs for choice in the comments.

Give $10 to a Feminist Cause, Win a Prize

Nice! Mac of Pesky Apostrophe is hosting a fundraiser for Medical Students for Choice:

After Roe v. Wade, hospitals stopped seeing a lot of injuries and deaths from illegal abortions and eventually most hospitals stopped performing them. As a result of this, as well as political pressure and fear of being targeted by anti-choice whackadoodles, many medical schools quietly removed abortion from their curriculum. Today your average first or second year medical student is lucky to get even a mention of abortion in a Pharmacology lecture, and it’s really rare for a third or fourth year student to see an abortion or abortion-related complication during the clinical part of their education. Even OB/GYN residents aren’t guaranteed education around abortion - only 50% of residency programs have an opt-out abortion rotation. I don’t particularly think it matters how one feels about abortion and whether it should be legal or illegal…I think we should want our doctors to be well-trained enough to deal with something that impacts over one-third of their female patients. Even if the doctor chooses not to perform abortions, don’t you think doctors should know something about it?

Look, 87% of U.S. counties lack an abortion provider and the pool of trained physicians willing to provide services continues to shrink (the statistics for Canada are no less depressing). Legalized abortion is under threat in this country, but the shrinking pool of providers threatens to make the legality issue irrelevant. And maybe you don’t care, maybe you’re thinking, “Good! We shouldn’t make it easy for women to find abortion services!” Well, consider this: most medical schools devote more class time to learning about Viagra than to all forms of contraception combined. Many medical students aren’t learning much at all about important things like sterilization procedures or pregnancy options counseling. You wonder why we keep hearing things about gynecologists refusing to prescribe birth control pills and perform vasectomies on unmarried men. And put into this context, the proposed Dept. of Health and Human Services regulations that would make it a federally-protected act to not just withhold information to patients on abortion and contraception, but provide false information, well…it’s frightening.

And so I’ll be running a fundraising drive to make better doctors. And there will be prizes!!! For every each $10 donated, your name will go in a drawing to win one of the following:

* one pair of handmade socks (you choose the color, I choose the pattern with input from you)
* one half pint of handmade watermelon rind relish
* one half pint of handmade peach butter
* one half pint of handmade plum barbecue sauce
* one half pint of handmade watermelon barbecue sauce
* one pint of handmade tomato-red wine sauce
* One handknit stuffed uterus
* One dozen of the most fantastic cookies you’ll ever eat: chocolate chip with sea salt. Made lovingly by me, y’all!
* Two skeins of handspun yarn

I have received a hand-knitted hat and a handspun skein of yarn from Mac over the years and can attest to their quality. Think about giving money to a good cause, and check her out on Twitter and at her blog to follow along. Her goal is $3000.

Here’s to You, Canada

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I wrote about this on Saturday, but today is the 20th anniversary of Canada’s biggest abortion-related Supreme Court case. For a super-comprehensive and fully informative take on Canada’s reproductive rights issues, I direct you to mattbastard. (Really, go — his post is awesome, and you will learn a lot).

Congrats, Canada, and here’s to 20 more years of progress.

Happy 20th Anniversary, Pro-Choice Canada!

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Today, Canadians celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Morgentaler decision, which struck down Canada’s anti-abortion laws and ended the prosecution of Dr. Henry Morgentaler. And there’s a lot to celebrate — including Dr. Morgentaler himself, who is a pretty impressive man.

Morgentaler, a Polish Holocaust survivor who earned his medical training in Germany after being released from Auschwitz, came to Canada after med school graduation (he opposed Zionism and turned down a chance to live in Israel). He worked as a general practitioner in Canada, and began to see the damage illegal abortion did to women — and so he advocated for changing the laws, and began performing illegal abortions himself. Morgentaler eventually opened Canada’s first abortion clinic. He was arrested in 1970, tried, but acquitted by a jury. The acquittal was overturned, so he appealed, and was acquitted again. He was tried again in 1983, and this time the case went up to Canada’s Supreme Court. The Court held that the law under which Morgentaler was convicted was unconstitutional, ending most statutory restrictions on abortion in Canada.

Morgentaler was the victim of anti-choice terrorism in 1992, when his Toronto clinic was bombed. He wasn’t hurt. He won another Supreme Court case in 1993, this one about abortion regulations in the provinces. And he is currently working on opening two abortion clinics in the Canadian Arctic, in order to increase access to abortion services for women who live there. The slogan of his Ontario clinic is “Every Mother a Willing Mother, Every Child a Wanted Child.”

But, just as is the case with their neighbors to the south, Canada is in less-than-perfect shape when it comes to abortion rights. Their problems, though, are different from ours, as is their justification for abortion rights. Just check out what their Supreme Court said about abortion:

As the late Madam Justice Bertha Wilson wrote in the judgment, a woman has a right to continue or terminate a pregnancy, free of state interference.

No law is necessary because no law can do justice to this deeply personal decision.

“It is not just a medical decision,” Judge Wilson wrote. “It is a profound social and ethical one as well. It asserts that a woman’s capacity to reproduce is to be subject not to her control, but to that of the state.”

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Wrapping Up Blogging for Choice

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I am officially exhausted. I’ve pretty much spent all day (and most of last night) scouring the internets for good pro-choice articles and blog posts (plus writing my own). A lot of what I’ve found is up at Alternet — I hope you’ll check it out, because there is a wealth of pro-choice goodness (more than a dozen articles and a few blog posts to top it off). I swear I’m not just blog-whoring — the stuff at Alternet is actually very, very good, and it’s a great round-up of what’s being said today. And don’t forget to sign up for the Reproductive Justice and Gender weekly newsletter that I’ll be sending out — sign-up is in the upper right-hand corner of the section. If you don’t live in the United States, just enter NONUS in the zipcode box.

Since Alternet only has permissions to reproduce posts from certain blogs,* I wasn’t able to grab nearly all of the fabulous blog posts that are up today — but I was lucky enough to get some of the best. Jessica highlights some more pro-choice blogging here, and NARAL Pro-Choice America has the full list of pro-choice bloggers here.

What were your favorite pro-choice posts and articles today? And as always, feel free to shamelessly self-promote in the comments.

And now it is finally time for me to pass out, after spending approximately 27 hours in front of my computer. I can no longer see straight, and if I have to italicize the word “Roe” one more time, I might throw my adorable little MacBook across the room. (Which would be sad, because, you know, it’s adorable and generally very kind to me). Don’t worry, though — I did make the time to have a glass of red wine (or two) in honor of Roe. And I am never again putting that word in proper italics.

Goodnight, and happy Roe day!

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*If you regularly blog about reproductive justice and would like to see your stuff re-printed at Alternet, I’m always looking for submissions. Email me at jill@alternet.org with your name, your blog, a short bio and permission to use your stuff and I’ll add you to the list of blogs I draw from. Also feel free to forward on particular blog posts of yours that you think are pertinent. I can’t promise that I’ll always use them, but I’ll do my best.

Your Best Sources for Roe-Day Commentary

There’s lots being written about repro rights today. As a shameless self-promoter, I’ll suggest Alternet’s Reproductive Justice and Gender special coverage section – I’ve been scouring the internets for some of the best commentary and news on repro justice, and it’ll be going up throughout the day (something new will be posted every hour or two, and blog posts will start up this afternoon).

There’s also Bush v. Choice, where Jessica is putting up all of the Blogging for Choice posts as the day goes on.

And finally, the Huffington Post is doing a great job at getting many of our pro-choice leaders to post commentary.

Enjoy!

Blogging for Choice: 10 Reasons to Support Reproductive Justice on Roe Day

Also up at the Huffington Post.

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35 years after Roe v. Wade solidified American womens’ right to abortion, reproductive rights remain in limbo. And while abortion rights are crucial to women’s health and autonomy, they are hardly the end-all be-all to reproductive justice — even if the constant attacks on those rights (and on the people who provide women with them) have forced the pro-choice movement to remain on the defensive about abortion in particular.

Roe at 35 is in bad shape. But there are plenty of forward-looking, positive steps to be taken. It’s worth raising a glass to Roe today — but even more importantly, it’s time to get out and fight. Here are a few reasons why:

10. Abortion is already inaccessible and out of reach for many women.
Eighty-seven percent of U.S. counties do not have an abortion provider. Parental consent laws, 24-hour waiting periods, and other anti-choice roadblocks make abortion difficult or impossible for many women — young women and low-income women in particular. The Hyde Amendment blocks federal Medicaid money from paying for abortion, meaning that low-income women have their medical care determined by anti-choice bureaucrats instead of doctors. When women have to spend weeks trying to legally bypass parental consent laws, or when they have to take time off work, save up money for the procedure, find someone to take care of their children, figure out transportation, and drive miles and miles to the closest clinic only to be told to “go home and think about it and come back tomorrow,” the procedure gets pushed back — and later-term abortions are more difficult and more expensive. An abortion at 24 weeks (a procedure already impossible to get in most states) can cost as much as $10,000. Groups like the National Abortion Network of Abortion Funds and the Haven Coalition attempt to offset the costs of abortion and the related expenses, but their budgets and abilities are limited, particularly in contrast to the financial and political strength of the anti-choice movement. In the meantime, Roe remains an unfulfilled promise for many American women.
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Happy Roe Day!

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And remember that it’s Blog for Choice day too. My post will be up in a few hours.

Roe v. Wade Day #35

Blog for Choice Day * January 22, 2008

The most important thing feminists have done and have to keep doing is to insist that the basic reason for repealing the laws and making abortions available is justice: women’s right to abortion.

There are many reasons why a woman might seek a late abortion, and she should be able to find one legally if she wants it. She may suddenly discover that she had German measles in early pregnancy and that her fetus is deformed; she may have had a sudden mental breakdown; or some calamity may have changed the circumstances of her life: whatever her reasons, she belongs to herself and not to the state.

Lucinda Cisler (1969): Abortion law repeal (sort of): a warning to women

To-day is the 35th anniversary of the United States Supreme Court’s ruling in Roe v. Wade, the jubilee day on which abortion laws were repealed in every state of the United States, and the United States judiciary recognized, finally, even if in a limited and limiting way, every woman’s fundamental human right to control her own body, and to exercise her rightful self-ownership, if she sees fit, to refuse the use of her reproductive organs to Man, Fetus, and State. There’s a lot not to like about the specifics of the reasoning in Roe, and it’s often frustrating that Roe is the ruling that we’ve got to celebrate, or at least defend. But if nothing else, it is worth celebrating the pro-choice feminist movement that made Roe inevitable, and which won Roe for the capstone of a remarkable, explosive struggle, over the course of just under 4 years, from the decisive beginning of the pro-choice feminist movement in early 1969, to the Supreme Court decision in January 1973. (There was a small, barely effectual abortion law reform movement before 1969; but February and March 1969 marked the beginning of the abortion law repeal movement, and also the beginning of the pro-choice argument — that is, early 1969 is when the argument shifted from the old tack of getting people to feel sorry for the poor desperate girl, to the new demand by radicalized women for their right to the determine how their own bodies will or will not be used.) The repeal movement exploded basically out of nowhere, at a time when abortion was criminalized in every one of the 50 states. Led by a coalition of radical Women’s Liberationists and radicalized ordinary women, the new movement quickly shoved aside the male experts, both reactionary and reformist, who had dominated the discourse for decades beforehand, threw out the request for piecemeal reforms (of the rape-incest-health of the mother variety), demanded instead the complete repeal of all abortion laws, and then won, first with the New York state repeal in 1971, and then with the nation-wide repeal in January 1973. That’s something to remember, and to celebrate.

Men don’t get pregnant, men don’t bear children. Men just make laws.

Redstockings demonstrator, at a New York legislative hearing on abortion laws, 13 February 1969

Like all anniversaries, this is a good day for remembering, and for honoring. One of the things I think it is most important to remember on this day, in spite of, or perhaps because of, the way in which the occasion is attached to a legal ruling handed down by nine men in black robes, is a matter of strategy. It is all too easy to make the latest political cockfight out as the be-all and end-all of pro-choice activism; to realize, correctly, that the legal position of abortion rights is really precarious and to leap, incorrectly, to the conclusion that if Roe falls, that will be the end of it. No it won’t. The pro-life State had its guns trained on us before, and we beat it. If it turns its guns on us again, that will be terrible, but we will beat it again nevertheless. Perhaps by once again forcing the hand of state legislators or the courts. Or perhaps not. There are other ways to get it done. Here is how a group of women in Chicago took matters into their own hands, years before Roe, without the blessing of the male experts and in defiance of the man-made Law, in order to make justice for their sisters a reality.

Radical women in Chicago poured their energy into Jane, an abortion referral service initiated by Heather Booth, who had been a one-woman grapevine for her college classmates. In 1971, after Booth’s departure, some of the women took matters into their own hands and secretly began to perform the abortions themselves. Safe, compassionate terminations for a modest fee became their high calling—a model, as they saw it, for women’s empowerment after the revolution.

Leaflets appeared in the Hyde Park neighborhood of the University of Chicago bearing a simple message: Pregnant? Don’t want to be? Call Jane at 643-3844. The number rang at the home of one of the activists who volunteered to be Jane. As word spread and the volume of calls increased, the service acquired its own phone line and an answering machine, a cumbersome reel-to-reel device that was one of the first on the market. Volunteers, known inside the service as call-back Janes, visited the abortion seekers to elicit crucial medical details (most important was lmp, the number of weeks since the last menstrual period), then another level of volunteers scheduled an appointment with one of the abortionists on the group’s list.

At first the service relied on Mike in Cicero, who was fast, efficient, and willing to lower his price to five hundred dollars as the volume increased. Mike gradually let down his guard with Jody Parsons, his principal Jane contact, an artisan who sold her beaded jewelry and ceramics at street fairs and was a survivor of Hodgkin’s disease. The clandestine abortionist and the hippy artisan struck up a bond. When Mike confessed that he was not in fact a real doctor but merely a trained technician, she cajoled him into teaching her his skills. Jody’s rapid success in learning to maneuver the dilating clamps, curettes, and forceps demystified the forbidden procedures for another half dozen women in Jane. If he can do it, then we can do it became their motto.

Madeline Schwenk, a banker’s daughter who had married at twenty, six months pregnant with no clue whatsoever about how to get an abortion, moved from counseling to vacuum aspiration after Harvey Karman, the controversial director of a California clinic, came to Chicago to demonstrate his technique. Madeline was one of the few women in Jane who was active in NOW, and who stayed affiliated with the Chicago chapter during the year she wielded her cannula and curette for the service. I’d get up in the morning, make breakfast for my three kids, go off to do the abortions, then go home to make dinner, she reminisces. Pretty ourageous behavior when you think about it. But exciting.

Jane’s abortion practitioners and their assistants were able to handle a total of thirty cases a day at affordable fees—under one hundred dollars. A doctor and a pharmacist among the women’s contacts kept them supplied with antibiotics.

Fear of police surveillance in radical circles had its match among clandestine abortionists who relied on a complicated rigamarole of blindfolds and middlemen. Jane straddled both worlds. Abortion seekers gathered every Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday at a front apartment, usually the home of a Jane member or friend, and were escorted by Jane drivers to the Place, a rented apartment where the abortions were performed. The fronts and the Place changed on a regular basis. New volunteers, brought into the group by counselors and drivers, went through a probation period before they were told that women in Jane were doing the abortions. The news did not sit well with everyone. Turnover was high, from fear and from burnout, although the service usually maintained its regular complement of thirty members.

Jane lost most of its middle-class clientele after the New York law [repealing the state’s abortion ban] went into effect. Increasingly it began to service South Side women, poor and black, who did not have the money to travel out of state, and whose health problems, from high blood pressure to obesity, were daunting. Pressure on the providers intensified. Audaciously they added second-trimester abortionsby induced miscarriage to their skills.

On May 3, 1972, near the conclusion of a busy work day in an eleventh-floor apartment on South Shore Drive overlooking Lake Michigan, Jane got busted. Seven women, including Madeline Schwenk, were arrested and bailed out the following day. The Chicago Daily News blared Women Seized in Cut-Rate Clinic in a front-page banner. The Tribune buried Lib Groups Linked to Abortions on an inside page. Six weeks later the service was back in buinsess. Wisely, the women facing criminal charges selected a defense attorney who was clued in to and optimistic about the national picture. She advised them to hang tight—some interesting developments were taking place in Washington that could help their case. (After the January 1973 Roe decision, all outstanding charges against the seven were dropped.)

The activists of Jane believe they performed more than ten thousand abortions. It’s a ballpark figure based on the number of procedures they remember doing in a given week. For security reasons they did not keep records.

—Susan Brownmiller, In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution, pp. 123—125

The repeal of the abortion laws in the United States wasn’t a gift handed down out of benevolence by a gang of old men in robes. It was struggled for, and won, by women in our own times. It didn’t take ballot boxes; it didn’t take political parties; it didn’t take clever legal briefs. It took radical women who stood up for themselves, who challenged the authority of self-appointed male experts and law-makers, who spoke truth to power, who took things into their own hands and helped their sisters, in defiance of the law, because they knew that they had a right to do it, and to hell with any law and any government that said otherwise. Radical feminists who built a movement for their own freedom over a matter of months and decisively changed the world in less than five years. It’s not just that we owe the Redstockings, Cindy Cisler, Heather Booth, Jody Parsons, Madeline Schwenk, and so many others our praise. They do deserve our cheers, but they also deserve our study and our emulation. They did amazing things, and we — feminists, leftists, anti-statists — owe it not only to them, but to ourselves, to honor them by trying to learn from their example.

Further reading: